# Introduction
The political system of nomads is considered "simple and easy, [such that] the governance of one state is equivalent to one body" in Shiji. However, some knowledge about Xiongnu was rationalized by Chinese historians (Di Cosmo, 2002) or simply left out (Miller, 2014). By delving into the foundation of Xiongnu society during the second and first century B.C., this essay argues that rising from the nature of pastoralism and the composition of it, the political system of the Xiongnu Empire features in loose centralization, which contributed to its formidable military power.
The Xiongnu Empire was rather a confederation than a centralized country. Although regional leaders were not rigorously subordinated to the central authority, the Xiongnu Empire still possessed strong military power which apparently outstripped the authoritarian Qin and Han Empires. This phenomenon is somehow counter-intuitive. This essay examines how loose centralization could contribute to stronger military power under Xiongnu’s circumstances.
# The nature of pastoral society
Some inherent characteristics determined that a nomadic society must be loosely organized. This section examines the population and the hierarchy system of Xiongnu. Small organization and constant migration promoted instability and generated hardship to form a strong and centralized government. Owing to a relatively low productivity, they could only move in small groups (Di Cosmo, 2002). Besides, as we have discussed in the second session, nomadic people had to move with their herds intermittently for fine grasslands which altered in altitude and geographical position as the season changed. Moreover, since they would spend a lot of time on the way migrating, it was difficult to tax and control them.
As productivity increased by the occurrence of horse domestication and the advance in metallurgy, hierarchy system occurred among the tribes. As we have discussed during the sessions, many majestic burials were built for the Xiongnu elites. This phenomenon revealed that the leader of the groups was admired extensively, from which a primitive hierarchy could be inferred.
As Radloff argued, the nomadic leader was actually the result of cooperation between several minor groups (Radloff, 1893). The primary motivations for the formation of a nomadic empire were subsistence and power. Thus, there was no consistent loyalty to a certain group or clan, and power was the only bond in the hierarchy system. An excerpt from Hanshu revealed that “When they see a chance for interests, they would congregate and cooperate with each other. On the other hand, when their enemy outstripped them, they would scatter like a bunch of birds.” This phenomenon did not usually occur in a centralized army of a centralized empire, but it was usual in Xiongnu military. In order to maintain the hierarchy system, Chan-yu must bring profits, or at least, provide protection for his affiliations, especially through military conquer and plunder. According to Hanshu, Mo-dun Chan-yu, the founder of the Xiongnu Empire, was admired by the regional leaders while his father, Tou-man Chan-yu, had failed to gain equivalent support. Notably, when Mo-dun rose to power, the hereditary system was quite a mess, and there were a bunch of princes who were eligible for the throne (Hanshu). However, Mo-dun unified the empire, which should be attributed to his military ability, as he conquered several countries in the north, such as Hui-yu, Qu-she, Ding-ling, Ge-kun and defeated Gao-Tzu of Han Empire in Pingcheng (Hanshu). In other words, the regional leaders paid allegiance to him because they believed cooperation with their leader could benefit them.
# The composition of the Xiongnu Empire
A centralized government like that of the Roman Empire, the Qin and Han dynasties feature in uniform culture, advanced agriculture and a colossal and tight political system. However, the Xiongnu Empire did not include all these typical factors, but the some other elements shaped it into a confederation-like empire.
Geography played a rudimentary role in decentralization. Owing to the geographical barriers, various cultures were developed on the steppe. There are many mountains in the Inner Asia steppe, such as the Khangai Mountains and the Altai Mountains, distributing the whole grassland into numerous large but relatively separate sections (The Historical Atlas of China, 1982). Due to the geographical barrier between several groups, connections were rarely established between each of them. Therefore, each one had developed their own culture, as Ban Gu wrote in Hanshu. Thus, the empire was quite decentralized because of the complex geographical condition.
Considering those geographical factors, each group varied in culture, and social practice, etc. However, all these elements could be included in the diversity of the ethnic groups, which brought about most obstacles for governing. As Hanshu mentioned, the conquered groups were only subordinated to the Xiongnu Empire; they did not see themselves as a part of Xiongnu. In fact, under Modun’s control, the empire reached Northern Mongolia, West Siberia and the present Liao-ning and even pushed its border to the south of the Yellow River (The Historical Atlas of China, 1982). Xiongnu included a variety of groups including Hun-yu, Kuei-fang, Hsien-yun, Jung, Ti, and Hu (Lin, 1988). During the formation of the Xiongnu Empire, "a vast range of regional variations based on each group’s adaptation to different ecological conditions" occurred. (Yablonsky, 1995b) This can also be supported by the various funerary rites and burial methods among the whole empire, indicating that different groups of people used to live together. (Yablonsky, 1995a) Moreover, a majority of small groups even had blood feuds with Xiongnu people. Hanshu recorded that when Xiongnu was not as powerful as they used to be, Wu-huan people once robbed Chan-yu’s grave as venting its anger. Considering that the feuds between Xiongnu and its affiliations were irreconcilable, there was no national cohesion among the empire.
Besides the ethnic diversity, influence of the other great powers in the small groups also resulted in the Xiongnu Empires’ instability. Numerous measures, such as inter-marriage, sowing discord, and establishing puppet regimes, had been utilized to affiliate the marginal countries (Min, 2010). Apparently these measures were implemented in order to gain control, from which we conclude that the impact of Xiongnu on its people was not enough. Evidence found in Hanshu also suggested that some of the small groups shifted allegiance depending on the power comparison between the big powers. They did not stick up to a certain side, let alone accepting Xiongnu’s ethic identity and maintaining national cohesion.
Another indispensable factor contributing to decentralization is the lack of a developed and assimilative culture. San-guo-zhi, or Records of the Three Kingdoms, mentioned that the affiliated countries were supposed to pay tax to Xiongnu, but there was no evidence of cultural invasion. By contrast, when China conquered a foreign country, it would definitely spread Confucian culture to them as a measure to solidify centralization. The importance of ideological invasion could be deduced from what Dong Zhong-shu, an influential Confucian in Han dynasty, once said to Wu-di: “without disposing of all the thoughts except for Confucianism, China would never be unified” (Hanshu). This principle could also be applied to Xiongnu. However, Xiongnu’s pursuit remained in concrete materials, without imposing ideological invasion. The relation remained between tax-collector and tax-payer; thus, steady unification was hardly achieved (Min, 2010).
Besides, Xiongnu people hadn’t invented a written language or developed a writing system for their spoken language. According to Hanshu, they only used spoken language to spread information, which would bring about various kinds of problems, such as misinterpretation or even intentional misrepresentation of the leader’s instructions. Resulted from the diversity of ethnic groups, the diversity of language might be another obstacle for control. If Chan-yu’s orders could not be conveyed to the bordering places, it was impossible to form a centralized empire.
To solidify its control over the marginal groups, Xiongnu developed a formidable military, which was led by aristocrats. Shiji suggested that there was a title in ancient China called “wan-hu-hou”, referring to an official that could administrate and collect tax from ten thousand families. Thus, “Hu”, which means family, was the unit of the Han Empire. Distinctively, Xiongnu aristocrats generally used cavalryman as a unit, as aristocrats were named as “Wan-ji”, “Qian-ji” and “Bai-ji”, which means “leader of ten thousand cavalrymen”, “leader of thousand cavalrymen” and “leader of a hundred cavalrymen” (Hanshu). Three clans of Hu-yen, Lan and Hsu-pu (Hanshu), controlled the military power of the empire. Doubtlessly, the identity of family could generate conflicts on power and profits. That was why the Chinese emperor who established an empire, such as Tai-zu in Song and Ming dynasty, all killed the distinguished generals or forced them to give up their power. Without practicing this, the power would not be held in a single clan. Xiongnu just committed this error. Three clans together monopolized aristocrats such as the Wise Kings, all possessing huge power and even carrying out offensives themselves (Shih chi chu-yi).
A disconnection between the fierce aristocrats and the central administration existed. As shown in Hanshu, given a Ho-Chin treaty between Han and Xiongnu, small incursions still occurred. Both the Han emperor and Chan-yu preferred peace treaty than war, otherwise there would be large-scale military campaigns. But still, the Right Wise King attacked Han and plundered its people among the borders (Hanshu). Both Chan-yu and the Han emperor were enraged by the offence. Notably, it was a surprising and unplanned attack that Chan-yu knew nothing about. A disconnection between the aristocrats and Chan-yu is shown in that.
# Decentralization and military
As argued in the previous sections, the Xiongnu Empire assembles a confederation with relatively weak central authority. China, on the other hand, had a authoritarian government in which the emperor possessed huge power. However, the army of Xiongnu still outstripped the Han dynasty, which is quite counter-intuitive. This section examines how a looser centralized government could contribute to the military in aspect of cooperation, mobility and resources.
First of all, decentralization would maximize nomads’ advantage on mobility. By avoiding sophisticated political procedures and maintaining their already-accustomed small-group life style, weak central authority benefited the Xiongnu military. For one thing, Hanshu mentioned that the Xiongnu people would attack when they perceived an opportunity and retreat when the enemy outstripped them. This supports that quick reaction towards exigencies could be achieved in Xiongnu. Owing to the slow transmission of information, opportunities would be missed if asking for permission was necessary. For another, Hanshu noted that the Xiongnu people got used to attack as a group of 100 people or even less (100 people were enough since in most of the times, Xiongnu people’s intention was rather plundering goods than conquering lands). By preserving regional power, the groups like that could be maintained. Therefore, they could maximize their power by acting as what they were accustomed to.
As demonstrated in previous sections, the Xiongnu Empire is composed of several relatively independent groups of people, which might vary in convention, ethnicity, etc. A looser government retained these groups by preserving the power for these provincial leaders. Considering that the Chan-yu might not acquaint with every group if he just left enough power for the regional leaders, he could give instructions to them and let them carry the orders out in their own group. Hanshu recorded that when East Hu, which at that time was pretty powerful, asked Mo-dun to dedicate a portion of the land to them, and Mo-dun was enraged by the absurd request and “appealed his people” to attack the East Hu. Interestingly, without a common language, Mo-dun’s words could not be conveyed directly to its people. He must inform the regional power and let them organize military to attack. In addition, as Miller suggested that a competition between regional leaders and Chan-yu existed for a long time. For Chan-yu, being too manipulative would trigger conflicts with regional leaders.
Another vital element of a strong military is stable logistics. The army of a sedentary society would not be capable of solving that fundamental concern, as Napoleon Bonaparte once said that goes “An army marches on its stomach”. However, unlike Han Empire or Roman Empire, Xiongnu cavalrymen did not rely on government for food or equipment, which means that they actually did not need logistics. Hanshu mentioned that the nomads got used to eating meat. They could feed themselves by killing animals for food and carrying domesticated herds with them. (Shiji) Thus, a centralized government was useless for the military of Xiongnu.
In addition, Shiji recorded that the regional leaders would meet in the first and ninth month of every year for a conference led by Chan-yu. Considering the limited power of Chan-yu, they would discuss about some important events rather than merely abiding instructions given by the central authority (Bai, 1986). Contrast to any authoritarian government, this method of decision-making could avoid arbitrary decisions. After Mo-dun rose to power, the conference of the regional leaders dissipated, but the tribes still remained, which is evidenced by the appearance of “the leaders of a hundred people” (Hanshu). Tribe proceeded to be a fundamental organization of people, and the regional leaders preserved their power, by which Xiongnu could maximize the military ability of every group.
# Conclusion
Integration and interpretation of several primary sources in this paper testify that rising from the nature of pastoralism and the composition of it, the unique foundation of the Xiongnu Empire shaped it into a confederation-like empire. However, the weak central authority contributed to an extremely strong military power. Under Xiongnu’s circumstances, less control might even help promote military power rather than detracting from it. But on the other hand, due to a lack of primary resources with regard to how Xiongnu’s political system exactly functioned, we could only deduce from their social practice and depict an outline based on the information recorded by Han historians. It seems that Xiongnu political system was much more complex than what we have known about it, as it operated pretty well on the steppe and even attracted many Chinese people to move out of the Great Wall (Hanshu), while also allowing the adroit use of several tactics in military campaigns. Although the multi-faceted differences between China and Xiongnu generated many conflicts and military campaigns, they could be beneficial in some way since it had been bringing people opportunities to learn from each other’s assets to improve themselves. Instead of creating misunderstandings and conflicts, the diversity in social foundation and origin of the empire could actually be utilized for salutary purposes, which is the whole theme of the Silk Roads—the communication of cultures.
Reference:
- Yablonsky, Leonid T.
a."Material Culture of the Saka and Historical Reconstruction." In Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age, ed. Jeannine DavisKimball et al. Berkeley: Zinat Press, 1995.
b.“Some Ethnogenetical Hypotheses.” In Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age, ed. Jeannine Davis-Kimball et al. Berkeley: Zinat Press, 1995, pp. 241–52.
Nicola di Cosmo, Ancient China and Its Enemies: the Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)
Lin Kan. Hsiung-nu shih-liao hui-pien. Peking: Chung-hua, 1988
Nobuo Yamada, "The Formation of the Hsiung-nu Nomadic State," Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 36.1–3 (1982)
Chung-kuo li-shih ti-t’u chi. The Historical Atlas of China, ed. T’an Ch’i-hsiang [Tan Qixiang] et al. Peking: Ti-t’u ch’u-pan-she, 1982
Shih chi chu-yi 110, 2320–1. San-qin ch’u-pan-she, 1985
Hanshu: Ban Gu Mm (32-92). 1962. Honshu VÌI Sr. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju
Xun-zi: Xun-zi (313-238 B.C.). Shanghai Classics Publishing House (1996)
Bryan Miller, “Xiongnu ‘Kings’ and the Political Order of the Steppe Empire,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient57 (2014)
Min Haixia, “The study on the history of Xiongnu’s development,” Lanzhou University, 2010.
San-guo-zhi, Records of the Three Kingdoms, Shanghai Classics Publishing House (2011)
Shiji, Records of the Historian, Shanghai Classics Publishing House (2011).
Bai Fengqi, Military Democracy of Xiongnu,Xiongnu people and its war-democracy system. Bei-fang-wen-wu, Northern Cultural Relics, 1986(04):67-71+66